{"id":12340,"date":"2022-11-06T07:11:11","date_gmt":"2022-11-06T11:11:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/energiesnet.com\/espanol\/?p=12340"},"modified":"2022-11-06T07:11:12","modified_gmt":"2022-11-06T11:11:12","slug":"bolsonarismo-despues-de-bolsonaro-camila-villard-durand-ps","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/energiesnet.com\/espanol\/bolsonarismo-despues-de-bolsonaro-camila-villard-durand-ps\/","title":{"rendered":"Bolsonarismo despu\u00e9s de Bolsonaro – Camila Villard Durand\/PS"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Camila Villard Durand cautions jubilant Brazilians that the forces that backed the defeated far-right president remain powerful.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Lula (Miguel Schincariol\/AFP)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Por Camila Villard Durand <\/p>\n\n\n\n

SAN PAULO \u2013 Brasil ha elegido un nuevo presidente eligiendo un viejo presidente.\u00a0Luiz In\u00e1cio Lula da Silva<\/a>\u00a0del Partido de los Trabajadores, que ejerci\u00f3 la presidencia desde 2003 hasta 2010,\u00a0derrot\u00f3<\/a>\u00a0al actual presidente de extrema derecha, Jair Bolsonaro, en la segunda vuelta. Pero eso no significa que lo que representaba Bolsonaro haya sido derrotado.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The mere fact that there was a runoff underscores the fact that Brazil\u2019s electorate, like many around the world, is deeply polarized. Bolsonaro, whose appeal is particularly strong among the military and conservative Christians, received more than 51 million<\/a> votes in the first round, and more than 58 million<\/a> in the second. He also receives considerable behind-the-scenes support \u2013 financial and ideological \u2013 from powerful economic interests, especially agribusinesses. In fact, agribusiness accounted for 33 of the 50 largest donors<\/a> to Bolsonaro\u2019s campaign.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Agribusiness is a highly industrialized sector in Brazil, responsible for more than one-quarter of GDP<\/a> and 48.3% of total exports<\/a> in the first half of 2022. And its geographical reach is vast, covering much of the north above S\u00e3o Paulo; a significant swath of the southern states; two powerful Central-West states, Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul; and Roraima in the north. Most of the income gains in Brazil during Bolsonaro\u2019s presidency went to these regions, as the agricultural sector benefited from a devalued<\/a> national currency and high international commodity prices.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The rest of Brazil was not so lucky. High inflation \u2013 consumer prices rose<\/a> by 8.3% in 2021 \u2013 has put severe strain on a large share of the population, with more than half of Brazilians (125.2 million<\/a> people) living with some kind of insecurity and 15% of the population (33 million people) facing severe food insecurity. In a country that touts its status as the \u201cworld\u2019s barn<\/a>,\u201d this is a sad irony.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Not surprisingly, regions dominated by agribusiness were more likely<\/a> to support Bolsonaro than Lula. But the president is just one part of the political puzzle. Even without Bolsonaro in power, agribusiness enjoys extensive legislative representation. In 2021, members of the Parliamentary Agricultural Front (FPA) \u2013 Brazil\u2019s powerful \u201crural bench<\/a>\u201d \u2013 comprised<\/a> 46% of Brazil\u2019s Chamber of Deputies and 48% of the Senate. The Instituto Pensar Agropecu\u00e1ria, which includes 48 entities<\/a> in the agricultural sector, advises the FPA.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The political machine that agribusiness has built in Brazil has proved highly effective. Under both Bolsonaro and his predecessor, Michel Temer, the FPA\u00a0promoted<\/a>, in an organized and systematic way, its interests, especially by contesting indigenous territorial rights in order to legitimize the use of native lands for agricultural production. The FPA also helped to articulate proposals and amendments on a range of regulatory issues, including workers\u2019 rights, environmental licensing, regularization of land tenure, and pesticides.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Further illustrating the farm lobby\u2019s influence, Tereza Cristina, a former FPA president, was nominated<\/a> to head Bolsonaro\u2019s Ministry of Agriculture in 2019. On October 2, in the first round of this year\u2019s national elections, Cristina \u2013 also known<\/a> as \u201cMrs. Deforestation\u201d and the \u201cmuse of poison\u201d \u2013 was elected<\/a> Mato Grosso do Sul\u2019s senator, winning more than 60% of the vote.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cristina was not alone. A whopping 70% of the FPA\u2019s representatives in the Chamber of Deputies were re-elected. The organization expects to hold at least 40 of the 81 seats in the Senate in 2023, and even projects new \u201cmemberships,\u201d which could bring the total<\/a> to 45.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Brazil\u2019s Congress will also include<\/a> Bolsonaro\u2019s former environment minister, Ricardo Salles. In 2018, Salles was convicted<\/a> in court of the first instance of \u201cadministrative impropriety\u201d while heading a S\u00e3o Paulo state environmental agency. Yet he became environment minister a month later, and presided over a surge in deforestation in the Amazon rainforest and major cuts to environmental-protection programs, before being forced to resign<\/a> last year over allegations of involvement in a timber-trafficking scheme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The agricultural sector\u2019s political influence thus matches its oft-professed status<\/a> as a \u201cpillar of the economy.\u201d But there is also an important social and cultural component to its influence. For much of the population, rural life is a kind of national identity, embodied by the romantic image of the \u201csertanejo<\/em>,\u201d or countryman.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From rodeos and \u201cvaquejadas<\/em>\u201d (a sport involving two cowboys on horseback driving a bull into a goal) to country music and festivals, rural cultural traditions are as popular in some areas as soccer and carnival. Agribusiness uses such activities as opportunities<\/a> to advance the narrative that it is central to Brazilian identity. It is no coincidence that many of Brazil\u2019s leading country singers publicly backed<\/a> Bolsonaro.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

So, Bolsonarism has the economic, political, and cultural influence to outlive Bolsonaro. In many ways, agribusiness \u2013 and the FPA, in particular \u2013 will make or break Lula\u2019s presidency, particularly when it comes to environmental policy, land-tenure regularization, and the defense of indigenous and quilombolas<\/em>\u2019 rights<\/u><\/a>. If the agents of Bolsonarism gain even more influence in the midterm local elections in two years, the challenge for Lula will grow even larger.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bolsonaro\u2019s defeat merits celebration. But no one \u2013 least of all Lula \u2013 should forget that the forces that empowered him have not gone away.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

____________________________________________________________<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Camila Villard Duran<\/em><\/strong> is an associate professor of law at ESSCA School of Management. Los puntos de vista expresados no necesariamente son los de EnergiesNet.com.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nota del Editor:\u00a0Este art\u00edculo fue originalmente publicado en\u00a0Project Syndicate (PS)<\/a>\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0<\/em>el 31 de Octubre, 2022. Reproducimos el mismo en beneficio de los lectores.\u00a0EnergiesNet.com no se hace responsable por los juicios de valor emitidos por sus colaboradores y columnistas de opini\u00f3n y an\u00e1lisis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Articulo original<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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EnergiesNet.com 07 11 2022<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Camila Villard Durand cautions jubilant Brazilians that the forces that backed the defeated far-right president remain powerful. Por Camila Villard Durand SAN PAULO \u2013 Brasil ha elegido un nuevo presidente eligiendo un viejo presidente.\u00a0Luiz In\u00e1cio Lula da Silva\u00a0del Partido de los Trabajadores, que ejerci\u00f3 la presidencia desde 2003 hasta 2010,\u00a0derrot\u00f3\u00a0al actual presidente de extrema derecha, …<\/p>\n

Bolsonarismo despu\u00e9s de Bolsonaro – Camila Villard Durand\/PS<\/span> Leer m\u00e1s »<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":12341,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[39,74,33],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-12340","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","category-opinion-opinion-news-guyana","category-opinion-article"],"aioseo_notices":[],"aioseo_head":"\n\t\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t